January 18, 2013

The President of the United States

The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington DC, 20500

Dear Mr. President,

The Report on the Alien and Sedition Acts was issued January 7, 1800 by the Virginia Legislature in answer to criticism leveled at the Virginia Resolution against the Alien and Sedition Acts. In the report author James Madison makes a trenchant argument for the legitimacy of the states collectively interposing in “the case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous breach of the constitution, by the exercise of powers not granted by it.”1 The following are excerpts from his exegesis of the third resolution.

“It appears…to be a plain principle, founded in common sense, illustrated by common practice, and essential to the nature of compacts; that where resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the authority of the parties, the parties themselves must be the rightful judges in the last resort, whether the bargain made, has been pursued or violated. The constitution of the United States was formed by the sanction of the states, given by each in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority of the constitution, that it rests on this legitimate and solid foundation. The states then being the parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows of necessity, that there can be no tribunal above their authority, to decide in the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; and consequently that as the parties to it, they must themselves decide in the last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magnitude to require their interposition.

It does not follow, however, that because the states as sovereign parties to their constitutional compact, must ultimately decide whether it has been violated, that such a decision ought to be interposed either in a hasty manner, or on doubtful and inferior occasions…but in the case of an intimate and constitutional union, like that of the United States, it is evident that the interposition of the parties, in their sovereign capacity, can be called for by occasions only, deeply and essentially affecting the vital principles of their political system.”2

“If the deliberate exercise, of dangerous powers, palpably withheld by the constitution, could not justify the parties to it, in interposing even so far as to arrest the progress of the evil, and thereby to preserve the constitution itself as well as to provide for the safety of the parties to it; there would be an end to all relief from usurped power, and a direct subversion of the rights specified or recognized under all the state constitutions, as well as a plain denial of the fundamental principle on which our independence itself was declared.

But it is objected that the judicial authority is to be regarded as the sole expositor of the constitution, in the last resort; and it may be asked for what reason, the declaration by the General Assembly, supposing it to be theoretically true, could be required at the present day and in so solemn a manner.

On this objection it might be observed first, that there may be instances of usurped power, which the forms of the constitution would never draw within the control of the judicial department: secondly, that if the decision of the judiciary be raised above the authority of the sovereign parties to the constitution, the decisions of the other departments, not carried by the forms of the constitution before the judiciary, must be equally authoritative and final with the decisions of that department. But the proper answer to the objection is, that the resolution of the General Assembly relates to those great and extraordinary cases, in which all the forms of the constitution may prove ineffectual against infractions dangerous to the essential rights of the parties to it. The resolution supposes that dangerous powers not delegated, may not only be usurped and executed by the other departments, but that the Judicial Department also may exercise or sanction dangerous powers beyond the grant of the constitution; and consequently that the ultimate right of the parties to the constitution, to judge whether the compact has been dangerously violated, must extend to violations by one delegated authority, as well as by another; by the judiciary, as well as by the executive, or the legislature.     

However true therefore it may be that the Judicial Department, is in all questions submitted to it by the forms of the constitution, to decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in relation to the authorities of the other departments of the government; not in relation to the rights of the parties to the constitutional compact, from which the judicial as well as the other departments hold their delegated trusts. On any other hypothesis, the delegation of judicial power, would annul the authority delegating it; and the concurrence of this department with the others in usurped powers, might subvert forever, and beyond the possible reach of any rightful remedy, the very constitution, which all were instituted to preserve.

The truth declared in the resolution being established, the expediency of making the declaration at the present day, may safely be left to the temperate consideration and candid judgment of the American public.”3

For a quarter century the United States government has with utmost address and malefic abandon forced my family to suffer. Furthermore, this has been done while fully cognizant of our unqualified innocence. The crimes therefore committed, the crimes of others consequently revealed in these letters and our federal functionaries refusal to enforce the law have lead us to a blatant constitutional bloodletting and, hence, meet Mr. Madison’s test of a “deliberate, palpable and dangerous breach of the constitution, by the exercise of powers not granted by it.”4

This letter is an approach to the state legislatures to exercise interposition to halt this putrescence. (Interposition is here being interpreted as collective free speech of state legislatures and moreover must not be construed as any form of nullification). You have been duly informed.  Personalize that. Based on my brief conversation with you in Billings Montana at the local YMCA and of course subsequent experience, that seems to be what you do best.

Yours Truly,

Lynn Swartos

232 South 12^th Avenue

Phoenix, AZ 85007-3101

(406) 694-3475

lynn.swartos@yahoo.com

Cc: Various media, groups and individuals

 

1. Writings. James Madison. Edited by Jack Rakove. New York: Library of America, 1999, p. 612.
2. Ibid., p. 611, 612.
3. Ibid., p. 613, 614.
4. Ibid., p. 612.

[These letters are now on my Facebook page. Tell a friend. (This note was not included in the original letter.)]

 

January 3, 2013

The President of the United States

The White House

1600 Pennsylvania Avenue

Washington, DC 20500

“That this assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the Federal Government, as resulting from the compact, to which the states are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting that compact; as no farther valid than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties thereto have the right, and are duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them.” 1

                     

                                                               The third resolution from the Virginia Resolutions

                                                               James Madison

Dear Mr. President,

Some men seek to conform their souls to reality. Our elite leaders execrate that thought, preferring instead to make reality fit their wishful thinking. The result is a necessary break with actuality and a resulting reign of the absurd.

The dissembling, such as you and those you lead, are ceaseless in pretentious claims of virtue. Yet, as demonstrated in the arrantly criminal actions taken by government against the Swartos family, despotic authority is the desideratum of your counsels (like that of your predecessors). This illicit agency has forced liberty to defer to an imposed silence only occasionally broken by brief sounds of desperate scuffling and grief. Thus, your unblushing cabal has made itself autonomous in interpreting the law, including our Constitution, in effect “substituting the motive of private interest in place of public duty…a real domination of the few, under an apparent liberty of the many.” 2

The lack of “elite” accountability has left the vulnerable in our society more so. Sanctioned by the state—that in spite of the objective findings of science declares the human non-human—some indulge themselves in the satisfaction of painfully sucking the brains out of children. Others publicly advocate the objectification of children and youth for sex and certain of those—aided by government technologies—harvest, progressively dehumanize and then train them to perform day after day, hour after hour, any sex act conceivable at the snap of their, self declared, proprietors fingers. At the same time “we have redefined what we mean by such things as child abuse, rape, and racial or sexual discrimination so that behavior until recently thought quite normal, unremarkable, even benign, is now identified as blameworthy or even criminal.”3 Hence, the innocuous is condemned and the criminal is ignored.

The efficacy of our great charter has been diminished by neglect and stratagem. So much so elections are now mere contrivances to legitimate the “election” of one homosexual for every heterosexual in the Senate and over a period of time one homosexual president for every heterosexual president—conditioned of course on obeisance to the formers dogma. Power won in secret by the sword is now exercised by that same power to a secret public effect. This comes at a cost homosexuals are quite willing the rest of society should continue to pay.

Over the decades Millions may have died at the hands of homosexuals in cities and towns, large and small, across the land and more have been and are, at this time being tortured (by other entities as well). These assertions are supported by national police files. Moreover, if such records are challenged as unreliable you would do well to remember that the criteria used to deduce the probability of guilt are some of the same used to ascertain an actionable level of culpability when deciding whether or not to torture foreign terror suspects, sometimes to death. Nor would these criteria when applied to the Swartos family suggest any reason to attack us.

In fine, yours is a corrupt political leadership now fighting to prevent being exposed as terrorists and allies of terrorists: You cringe from the truth and maliciously plot for someone else to bear your burdens and suffer the consequences of your failures. You have passed the brink of rapprochement.

“That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret that a spirit has in sundry instances, been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional charter which defines them; and that indications have appeared of a design to expound certain general phrases, (which, having been copied from the very limited grant of powers in the former articles of confederation were the less liable to be misconstrued) so as to destroy the meaning and effect, of the particular enumeration which necessarily explains, and limits the general phrases; and  so as to consolidate the states by degrees into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable consequence of which would be, to transform the present republican system of the United States, into an absolute, or at best a mixed monarchy.” 4

                                                              The fourth resolution from the Virginia resolutions

                                                              James Madison

Yours truly,

Lynn Swartos

232 South 12^th Avenue

Phoenix, AZ 85007-3101

(406) 694-3475

lynn.swartos@yahoo.com

Cc: Various media, groups, individuals and Ambassadors

1. Writings. James Madison. Edited by Jack Rakove. New York: Library of America, 1999, p. 589.
2. Ibid., p. 510.
3. Slouching Towards Gomorrah: Modern Liberalism and American Decline. Robert Bork. ReaganBooks. New York, NY, 1996, p. 3.
4. Writings. James Madison. Edited by Jack Rakove. New York: Library of America, 1999, p. 589-590.

[December 12, 2012]

The President of the United States

The White House

1600 Pennsylvania Avenue

Washington, DC 20500

                          

Dear Mr. President,

It is widely taught and accepted in our society that there is no absolute truth (relativism), hence Augustine’s definition of virtue as “the ordinate condition of the affections in which every object is accorded that kind of degree of love which is appropriate to it”1 and the Practical Reason that is its source is rejected as erroneous by society’s elite conditioners while they shamelessly contradict themselves by insisting on adherence to their objective values (absolutism). Thus America finds itself facing men who have redefined truth to please themselves—it is whatever they say it is. Society is left with incoherence and the abrogation of reason.

Traditional values are vehemently rejected by cultural elites—such as you—who, instead, value the murder, rape and torture of American babes, children, women and men. Perhaps, this so pleases you and your cohorts, you will now attempt to define value as satisfaction. However, “The old objection to defining Value as Satisfaction is the universal value judgment that ‘it is better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a pig satisfied.’” 2

Mr. President, you, Joe Biden, Robert Mueller, George Bush, Dick Cheney, Bill Clinton, Louis Freeh and the rest of the diaper list all seem quite satisfied.

Yours Truly,

Lynn Swartos

535 Ryman

Missoula, MT 59802

406-694-3475

Cc: Australian Ambassador Kim Beasley

Austrian Ambassador Dr. Hans Peter Manz

Belgium Ambassador Jan Matthysen

Brazilian Ambassador Mauro Vieira

British Ambassador Sir Peter Westmacott

Canadian Ambassador Gary Doer

Chinese Ambassador Zhang Yesui

Danish Ambassador Peter Taksoe-Jensen

Finnish Ambassador Ritva Koukku-Ronde

French Ambassador Francois Delattre

German Ambassador Peter Ammon

Irish Ambassador Michael Collins

Israeli Ambassador Michael Oren

Japanese Ambassador Ichiro Fujisaki

Mexican Ambassador Arturo Sarukhan

Norwegian Ambassador Wegger Strommen

Polish Ambassador Robert Kupiecki

Russian Ambassador Sergey I. Kislyak

South Korean Ambassador Han Duk-soo

Swedish Ambassador Jonas Hafstrom

Swiss Ambassador Manuel Sager

Chief Representative of the Republic of China Jason Yuan

Vietnamese Ambassador Nguyen Quoc Cuong

1.      De. Civ. Dei, xv. 22. Cf. ibid. ix. 5, xi. 28.

2.      C.S. Lewis. The Abolition of Man. (New York: Macmillan. 1955). Chap. 2.

December 6, 2012

The President of the United States
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20500

Dear Mr. President,

All these long months the lineaments of my family’s infelicity have been patiently and with great labor set before you with pitiful words. You have answered us pitilessly your silence, louder than words, conveying your haughty contempt for the innocence of my family. Congruent with your aversion to reason or prove, evidence and expostulations have failed to move you. You have impeached yourself.

We claim title to the protection of the law; you give glad consent to the grunting weight of brutality, subverting the law in furtherance of my family’s destruction.

We seek the succor of our faiths offspring, practical reason; you would, by force of law and regardless of established law, baptize us in relativism.

We support the public good; you cling to the cover of darkness wherein “the standard of justice depends on the power to coerce, the strong do what they have the power to do and the weak accept what they are forced to accept.”1

It is true that we possess no power or device that can force government—state or national—to employ the legitimate instruments of Constitution and statute to determine this dispute. However, the tenure of your office is good behavior and the consent of the people. From the latter you are now immune to direct action; of the former your malfeasance, and thus your political demise, is certain.

Government has delegitimized itself, its various members having done violence to the law and society. These are not charges without substance. Instances follow:

First, certain groups and individuals are virtually exempt from the correction of law. These include government and private terrorists alike who, purposely unacknowledged by law enforcement and armed with various government technologies (guns are now largely passé), murder rape and torture Americans with impunity. Moreover, they have created a sexual economy in which even the very youngest children are the currency.

Second, the Supreme Court, unchallenged, acting as supreme legislature, has re-written then passed an act of Congress at the bench.

Third, for weeks following the debacle in Benghazi the position and person of secretary of state seemed to disappear from the media consciousness. It is supposed this was brought about by an illegitimate force that has either cowed the media or makes them complicit.

We have come a great distance from our lovely republicanism, its friends now few those who would with great patience distort it, many. However, “There are progressions in which the last step is sui generis—incommensurable with the others—and in which to go the whole way is to undo all the labor of your previous journey.”2 We now appear to be in the latter stage of such a step. Many American leaders have, Fabian like, corrupted over a period of many decades, the United States principles of republicanism. Thus the illegitimate government disposition of tyranny's arbitrary power results in the bludgeoning of our society into conformity with its edicts. The effects are all around us. James Madison offers a thoughtful assessment, "Where an excess of power prevails, property of no sort is duly respected. No man is safe in his opinions, his person, his faculties, or his possessions."3 He goes on to say that "Where there is an excess of liberty, the effect is the same, tho' from an opposite cause."4

Can the veil of mystery that shrouds government be lifted? If so can the perversion that "make[s] power the primary and central object of the social system and liberty but its satellite"5 be rectified? And faced with liberty "abused to licentiousness"6 will we the people have the will to restore it? "[T]he pessimism of the intellect tells us Gomorrah is our probable destination. What is left to us is a determination not to accept that fate and the courage to resist it--the optimism of the will."7

You will see that a diaper list and adult diapers have been included with this letter. Given the incontinent inclination of our government quislings it seemed appropriate. Wear yours well.

Yours Truly,

Lynn Swartos

535 Ryman

Missoula, MT 59802

406-694-3475

Cc: Australian Ambassador Kim Beasley

Austrian Ambassador Dr. Hans Peter Manz

Belgium Ambassador Jan Matthysen

Brazilian Ambassador Mauro Vieira

British Ambassador Sir Peter Westmacott

Canadian Ambassador Gary Doer

Chinese Ambassador Zhang Yesui

Danish Ambassador Peter Taksoe-Jensen

Finnish Ambassador Ritva Koukku-Ronde

French Ambassador Francois Delattre

German Ambassador Peter Ammon

Irish Ambassador Michael Collins

Israeli Ambassador Michael Oren

Japanese Ambassador Ichiro Fujisaki

Mexican Ambassador Arturo Sarukhan

Norwegian Ambassador Wegger Strommen

Polish Ambassador Robert Kupiecki

Russian Ambassador Sergey I. Kislyak

South Korean Ambassador Han Duk-soo

Swedish Ambassador Jonas Hafstrom

Swiss Ambassador Manuel Sager

Chief Representative of the Republic of China Jason Yuan

Vietnamese Ambassador Nguyen Quoc Cuong

Atlanta Journal Constitution

Billings Gazette

Dallas Morning News

Denny Rehberg

Denver Post

George Will

Houston Chronicle

Missoulian

New York Post

New York Times

Philadelphia Enquirer

Wall Street Journal

Washington Post

Diaper List:

Barack Obama

Joe Biden

George W. Bush

Dick Cheney

Bill Clinton

George H.W. Bush

Robert Mueller

Louis Freeh

William Sessions

Eric Holder

Michael Mukasey

Alberto Gonzalez

John Ashcroft

Janet Reno

William Barr

Richard Thornburgh

Ed Meese

1.      Thucydides: The Peloponnesian War, Book III, Chapter 17.

2.      Abolition of Man. C.S. Lewis. 1943, Chapter 3.

3.      Writings. James Madison. Edited by Jack Rakove. New York: Library of America, 1999, p. 515

4.      Ibid., p. 515

5.      Ibid., p. 533

6.      Circular to the States. George Washington. `1783

7.      Slouching Towards Gomorrah: modern liberalism and American decline. Robert Bork.  ReaganBooks. New York, NY, 1996, p. 343.

8.      Writings. James Madison. Edited by Jack Rakove. New York: Library of America, 1999, p. 517

                                                   The Union: Who are its real friends?

Not those who charge others with not being its friends, whilst their own conduct is wantonly multiplying its enemies.

Not those who favor measures, which by pampering the spirit of speculation within and without government, disgust the best friends of the Union.

Not those who promote unnecessary accumulations of debt of the Union, instead of the best means of discharging it as fast as possible; thereby encreasing the causes of corruption in the government, and the pretexts for new taxes under its authority, the former undermining the confidence, the latter alienating the affections of the people.

Not those who avow or betray principles of monarchy and aristocracy, in opposition to the republican principles of the Union, and the republican spirit of the people; or who espouse a system of measures more accommodated to the depraved examples or those hereditary forms, than to the true genius of our own.

Not those in a word, who would force on the people the melancholy duty of chusing between the loss of the Union, and the loss of what the Union was meant to secure.

                                          The real Friends to the Union are those,
Who are friends to the authority of the people, the sole foundation on which the Union rests.

Who are friends to liberty, the great end, for which the Union was formed.

Who are friends to the limited republican system of government, the means provided by that authority, for the attainment of that end.

Who are enemies to every public measure that might smooth the way to hereditary government; for resisting the tyrannies of which the Union was first planned, and for more effectually excluding which, it was put into its present form.

Who considering a public debt as injurious to the interests of the people, and baneful to the virtue of the government, are enemies to every contrivance for unnecessarily increasing it amount, or protracting its duration, or extending its influence.

In a word, those are the real friends to the Union, who are friends to the republican policy throughout, which is the only cement for the Union of a Republican people; in opposition to a spirit of usurpation and monarchy, which is the menstruum most capable of dissolving it.

 

                                                                                      James Madison, National Gazette, April 2, 1792

           

                                                                             

 

 

[10/10/2012]

Robert W. Mueller

FBI Headquarters

935 Pennsylvania Avenue NW

Washington DC 20535-0001

Dear Mr. Mueller,

For what is an inconceivable number of decades you and those such as you who hunger for the pain of others, have feasted on the Swartos family’s anguish, lifting up the brim-full cup of our grief and sorrow to greedy lips with a connoisseur’s delight. We have been forced by those nurtured by our torment, down an anfractuous path of suffering where even the recollection of harms inflicted by others sets your worm-full souls to writhing with pleasure. You have had much to rejoice in; much to bring you pleasure.

Denying the authority of statute and Constitution, spurning character formed of virtue the duplicitous declare their goodwill while at the same time wielding the knife that will extirpate our Republics soul. Life, liberty, property rights, those are now the stuff of myth unless of course you offer the appropriate currency. As you know small children—the smaller the better—are always acceptable.

A maundering government strips us of our immunities and declares our freedoms void. Meanwhile swathed in ordure you hide in the name of  “the law.” However there is nothing in the law that bids you attack the innocent or their children, there is nothing in the law that instructs you to murder children in the streets, there is nothing in the law that approves of random murders by government proxies to instill fear in the opposition. There is nothing in the law that gives you sanction. You are free by force of arms.

The government of the United States of America has forced me for the sake of safety to break off all communication with my family. Now by disallowing my email accounts and blog you force me into further silence. This is the strategy of the guilty.

Our society’s affections are askew, Aristotle’s principle is relevant, what we like is not necessarily what will preserve us. Government is heedless of statute and Constitution, criminals rule and the innocent are criminalized.

Sincerely,

Lynn Swartos

515 N. 27^th

Billings, MT 59101

406-696-8576

Cc: The President of the United States

      The Washington Post

      George Will

      Congressman Denny Rehberg

      Dallas Morning News

      Denver Post

      Houston Chronicle

      The Missoulian

      Philadelphia Enquirer

      Atlanta Constitution Journal

      New York Post

      New York Times

      Billings Gazette

      Wall Street Journal

[This is the first letter written after my gmail and blog accounts were disallowed]